Memorandum, William J. Mitchell (DOJ) to Attorney General Francis Biddle re Lessons from Chicago Tribune Case, June 17, 1942
National Security Archive
A 1942 DOJ memo reveals how a Chicago Tribune story on Midway exposed a loophole in wartime censorship, prompting a push for tighter Navy‑press rules.
Source: Memorandum, William J. Mitchell (DOJ) to Attorney General Francis Biddle re Lessons from Chicago Tribune Case, June 17, 1942 Date: Jun 17, 1942 Archive: NARA, RG-60, Case File 146-7-23-25, box 1, file: “Serial 3, June 13-June 20, 1942.” Collection: Secrecy And Leaks: When The U.S. Government Prosecuted The Chicago Tribune Oct 25, 2017
Editorial Analysis
Original analysis by the DriftSeas editorial desk. The complete primary-source document, transcribed from the National Security Archive scan, appears in full below.
A Wartime Leak in the Age of Total War
The memorandum dated June 17, 1942 is a routine‑sounding internal DOJ note, but it crystallizes a moment when the United States’ expanding war‑press apparatus collided with the legal strictures of the Espionage Act. William D. Mitchell, then Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division, wrote to Attorney General Francis B. Biddle after the Chicago Tribune published a front‑page dispatch by correspondent John Johnston describing the Battle of Midway. The article had been filed under the assumption that clearance from the Office of Censorship – the civilian body that issued the “Code of Wartime Practices” – was sufficient. Mitchell’s memo argues that, because the correspondent had been embedded on a Navy vessel, the article should have first passed through Navy censorship, a step the Tribune skipped.
The memo was produced in the immediate aftermath of the Midway engagement (June 4‑7, 1942), a turning point in the Pacific war that the administration was eager to publicize for morale while simultaneously shielding operational details. The Tribune’s decision to run the story without Navy review triggered a legal review under Section 31(d) of the Espionage Act, which criminalized the disclosure of “information relating to the national defense” to unauthorized persons. Mitchell’s analysis therefore served two purposes: (1) to advise Biddle on how to tighten procedural safeguards for embedded journalists, and (2) to lay the groundwork for a potential prosecution of the newspaper, should the Department decide to pursue the case.
The Broader Context of Press‑Military Relations
During World War II the United States instituted a layered censorship regime. The Office of Censorship, created in December 1941, issued a voluntary “Code of Wartime Practices” that newspapers pledged to follow. Simultaneously, each service branch maintained its own classification and censorship procedures for material gathered by accredited correspondents. The Chicago Tribune episode exposed a gap: the civilian code did not explicitly state that Navy‑embarked reporters were still subject to service‑level review. Mitchell’s recommendation to insert a paragraph clarifying that the code does not supersede “special requirements” reflects an effort to harmonize the two systems.
The memo also reveals the bureaucratic friction that characterized wartime information control. Mitchell notes that “only experts in the Navy Department are qualified to detect the objectionable features” of a combat‑area report, implicitly critiquing the civilian censor’s technical expertise. He further observes that the Navy lacked a formal regulation obligating correspondents to submit their copy for review, relying instead on ad‑hoc agreements. The absence of a signed agreement by Johnston, the Tribune’s correspondent, became a tactical loophole that the newspaper could exploit in any defense.
Why the Document Matters Today
First, the memorandum illuminates the legal calculus behind the government’s decision to prosecute (or not prosecute) the press for security breaches. While the Tribune was ultimately indicted under the Espionage Act, the case was dismissed in 1945 after the war ended, a decision that set a precedent for the limited peacetime use of the act against journalists. Mitchell’s memo shows that the administration’s strategy hinged on procedural minutiae—whether a Navy‑level clearance had been obtained—rather than on the substantive content of the article.
Second, the memo foreshadows contemporary debates over “embedded journalism.” The same tension between military operational security and the public’s right to know that animates today’s coverage of conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and beyond can be traced to the procedural ambiguities Mitchell identified. The recommendation for a standing Navy regulation and a codified clause in the civilian code anticipated the post‑war “Joint Publication 3‑13” guidelines that now govern embedded reporting.
Finally, the document underscores how wartime crises can accelerate the institutionalization of secrecy. The push to revise the Code of Wartime Practices just days after Midway demonstrates that major battles often serve as catalysts for policy change. By linking a single newspaper article to a broader overhaul of censorship policy, the memorandum reveals how the government leveraged high‑profile leaks to tighten control over the flow of information.
In sum, Mitchell’s June 17, 1942 memorandum is more than an internal memo; it is a window onto the legal, bureaucratic, and strategic forces that shaped U.S. wartime press policy. Its recommendations reverberated through the post‑war era, influencing how the United States balances national security with a free press—a balance that remains contested in the digital age.
DECLASSIFIED Authority NND 76716
Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C.
June 17, 1942
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Re: Censorship of Articles Written by Press Correspondents Permitted to Accompany United States Armed Forces in Combatant Areas.
My investigation of the Chicago Tribune article of June 7th about the recent engagement near Midway Island has plainly disclosed a situation which should be considered by the Navy Department and the Office of Censorship, and possibly the War Department. The Espionage Act, section 31 (d) makes it an offence to disclose information regarding the national defense "to any one not authorized to receive it."
Naturally the press looks to the "Code of Wartime Practices" issued by the Censor to ascertain whether a story is objectionable, and if the code does not ban the story, the press may assume it may be published and therefore the public "are authorized to receive it" within the meaning of the statute. On the other hand, when a newspaper correspondent is given special permission to be on a naval vessel in a combatant area, it is usual for the Navy to instruct him or require him to agree, that any article he writes while at sea or after his return to the United States about his observations, must be passed through Navy censorship, before publication.
The conduct of the Tribune in this case shows that its managing editor in passing on Johnston's article of June 7, assumed that the Censorship Office clearance was sufficient, and if the Code of Wartime Practices, in the paragraph on "ships" did not ban the article (and literally it did not as the Office of Censorship has conceded) that the Tribune was safe in publishing without even submitting the article to the Office of Censorship.
My point is that the Code of Wartime Practices, of which a new edition is now in preparation ought to have a paragraph
146-7-21-25 OF JUSTICE NOV 30 45 A.M. DIVISION OF RECORDS File
DECLASSIFIED Authority NND 76716
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explicitly stating, that the code is not intended to supersede special requirements as to Army or Navy censorship of articles obtained by press correspondents granted the privilege of accompanying the armed forces in combatant areas.
Whether in such case an article should be passed by both the Navy and the Censors Office is a matter of administrative detail. Judging from the Tribune case, only experts in the Navy Department are qualified to detect the objectionable features of such an article as Johnston's of June 7th and it would seem better that all articles by correspondents who have been allowed on ships of the United States in combatant areas should be cleared by the Navy, and such a clearance should be sufficient.
I also have noted that there seems to be no Navy regulation requiring press correspondents, who are allowed on war vessels, to submit their articles to Navy censorship. The practice is to require the correspondent to sign an "agreement" to that effect. In the case of Johnston of the Tribune, he was not required at Hawaii to sign such an agreement. Whether that was an oversight or intentional, I do not know. May I respectfully suggest that there ought to be a standing regulation on the subject, binding whether or not an agree- ment is signed. In that case, so as to give notice of the regulation, the correspondent should also be required to sign an agreement to abide by it or sign an admission that he is informed of the restriction. If there had been such a paragraph in the Code of Wartime Practices for the press, as I have suggested above, the Tribune would doubtless never have dared to publish the article of June 7 without Navy clear- ance. Furthermore as the case stands, the failure to have Johnston sign an agreement (Part 2) and the absence of any general Navy regula- tion about Navy censorship of articles by men privileged to sail with the fleet may defeat the case against the Tribune. I present this situation to you now because a new edition of the Code of Wartime Practices is to be issued June 22.
William D. Mitchell
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