Captain D.E. McCoy, U.S. Navy, "The Soviet Bloc Pattern of Attack," 18 January 1963, unclassified
National Security Archive
A 1963 Navy memo turns raw megaton figures into a chilling portrait of how many bombs would be needed to wipe out the United States or the Soviet Union.
Source: Captain D.E. McCoy, U.S. Navy, "The Soviet Bloc Pattern of Attack," 18 January 1963, unclassified Date: Jan 18, 1963 Archive: Record Group 330, Records of the Department of Defense, Office of the Assistant to the Secretary of Defense (Atomic Energy), Accession 69-A-2243, "AW- Ecological Study, Volumes I and II" Collection: "Clean" Nukes and the Ecology of Nuclear War Aug 30, 2017
Editorial Analysis
Original analysis by the DriftSeas editorial desk. The complete primary-source document, transcribed from the National Security Archive scan, appears in full below.
The Context of a Cold‑War Risk Assessment
On 18 January 1963 Captain D.E. McCoy of the U.S. Navy submitted a memorandum titled “The Soviet Bloc Pattern of Attack.” The document was produced in the wake of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the recent U‑2 incident, a period when the Pentagon’s strategic planners were scrambling to translate raw nuclear‑weapons data into operational scenarios. McCoy’s memo was circulated within the Office of the Assistant to the Secretary of Defense (Atomic Energy) and later filed under the Defense Department’s “Ecological Study” series, a collection that examined the environmental and humanitarian fallout of nuclear exchange. Its immediate purpose was to provide senior policymakers with a back‑of‑the‑envelope calculation of how many megatons would be required to annihilate the United States or the Soviet Union, and to illustrate the absurdity of any doctrine that treated such totals as militarily feasible.
A Snapshot of the Strategic Debate
The memo’s numbers—3.6 million square miles for the United States, a lethal dose of roughly 1,000 roentgens, and a theoretical 180 megaton requirement to kill 200 million Americans—are striking because they are deliberately simplistic. McCoy acknowledges the impracticality of “distributing their bombs in this manner,” yet he uses the calculation to underscore a broader point that dominated early‑1960s strategic thought: the concept of “mutually assured destruction” (MAD) was not an abstract balance sheet but a concrete, almost tangible, set of human casualties. By juxtaposing Soviet statements attributed to Khrushchev—claims that the U.S. possessed 40,000 warheads and that a full American strike would kill 700‑800 million people—McCoy highlights how both sides were inflating their arsenals to project deterrent credibility.
The memo also reveals the internal tension between “theoretical maximums” and “practical delivery.” McCoy notes that the Soviets could not realistically achieve one‑kiloton detonations per square mile, yet he allows for larger weapons clustered over population centers. This reflects the Pentagon’s growing awareness, documented in parallel studies, that targeting strategy would evolve from blanket carpet‑bombing to “counterforce” strikes aimed at command‑and‑control nodes, while still fearing the collateral devastation of megaton yields.
What the Document Reveals About Decision‑Makers
Captain McCoy’s tone is both analytical and cautionary. He writes that Khrushchev’s own 100‑megaton bomb “could not be used in Western Europe because it would hit France and Germany and you too,” an admission that the Soviet leadership recognized the indiscriminate nature of their most powerful weapons. By reproducing Khrushchev’s warning that “neither communism nor any one else can win in a nuclear war,” McCoy underscores a rare moment of ideological convergence: both superpowers publicly accepted that nuclear war was unwinnable, even as they continued to amass arsenals.
The memo’s inclusion of a “secret” quote from Khrushchev—“Our scientists have developed a new 100‑megaton bomb”—serves a dual purpose. First, it signals to U.S. officials that Soviet technical capabilities were advancing beyond the 50‑megaton designs that had dominated earlier in the decade. Second, it reinforces the notion that any use of such a weapon would be strategically constrained, a point that could be leveraged in diplomatic overtures aimed at limiting the deployment of ultra‑high‑yield devices.
Legacy and Contemporary Relevance
Although the memo was declassified in the post‑Cold‑War era, its core insight remains salient: strategic stability hinges on credible, mutually understood limits on weapon use, not merely on the sheer number of warheads. Modern debates over “low‑yield” nuclear options echo McCoy’s caution that scaling down yields does not automatically resolve the humanitarian catastrophe inherent in any nuclear exchange. Moreover, the document illustrates how early‑1960s officials attempted to quantify civilian loss in order to inform policy—a practice that foreshadows today’s “nuclear risk assessment” models used by think‑tanks and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons.
In sum, Captain McCoy’s 1963 memorandum is more than a numerical curiosity; it is a window into the mindset of U.S. defense planners who, amid the fevered rhetoric of the arms race, tried to ground deterrence in stark human terms. Its declassification invites us to reconsider how the language of numbers can both clarify and obscure the moral stakes of nuclear strategy.
DECLASSIFIED Authority NW 44472
UNCLASSIFIED
Jan 18, 1963
THE SOVIET BLOC PATTERN OF ATTACK
The U. S. has about 3,600,000 square miles. The lethal dose for humans from Fallout Radiation is about 1000r. 200r at H/1 gives about 1000r of integrated dose. 1KT theoretically can provide 3900r at H/1 hour or almost 20,000r integrated dose over a square mile three feet above a smooth plane, or 1000r over 20 square miles if it is detonated on the surface. Thus, theoretically, 180 MT could kill all the people (about 200,000,000) in the U. S.
Practically speaking, we know the Russians could not distribute their bombs in this manner, but it is worthwhile to realize that this is one extreme. In like manner, the Russians (not including China and other Russian satellites) have about 8,000,000 square miles. Thus, theoretically 400 MT might kill all of the roughly 210,000,000 people in Russia. The following statement reported from Berlin on January 16, 1963, is thus understandable if we think of the Russian Satellites as having 100,000,000 and China 700,000,000:
"Soviet Premier Khrushchev told his Communist comrades today the United States has 40,000 atomic or nuclear warheads and Communist policy cannot be based on war.
"If all the American bombs were dropped, he said, 700 million to 800 million people would be killed and whole nations wiped out.
"Communists, he declared, would not even be safe from Russia's own 100-megaton bomb because tests had showed that if it were dropped on West Germany or France the effects 'would hit you'.
"In a wide-ranging speech to the Sixth Communist Party Congress of East Germany, Mr. Khrushchev thus answered the Chinese Communists who have accused him of being afraid of a 'paper tiger' - United States - when he backed down on Cuba.
UNCLASSIFIED
DECLASSIFIED Authority NW 44472
UNCLASSIFIED
"Pouring scorn in Red China's war-and-peace theories, Mr. Khrushchev warned that neither communism nor any one else can win in a nuclear war because it would bring unimaginable destruction. The fight for peace, he went on, is the chief task of communism.
"'Dear comrades, now I tell you a secret,' he said. 'Our scientists have developed a new 100 - megaton bomb. This bomb could not be used in Western Europe because it would hit France and Germany and you too. This bomb could only be used overseas against a potential aggressor.'"
We can see that the 100 MT bomb comes pretty close to the 180 MT that would theoretically kill all the people in the U. S. In arriving at the 180 MT it was assumed that each explosion was 1 KT and that the Russians had sufficient forces to deliver 1 per square mile. We know this is impossible; but at the same time, we would assume that bombs would be larger and rather than evenly dispersed, collected around the populated cities.
[Dr. McCoy Capt USN]
UNCLASSIFIED
2
[Bork APR 10 '63]
NATIONAL SECURITY ARCHIVE
National Security Archive, Suite 701, Gelman Library, The George Washington University, 2130 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C., 20037, Phone: 202/994-7000, Fax: 202/994-7005, nsarchiv@gwu.edu